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After adopting the mantle of “school choice” in his 2022 reelection bid, Abbott tried to muscle a voucher program through the Legislature last year by using a mix of hardball tactics.

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Ravissant year after year, those proposals died against a firewall of divorce from Democrats and Agreste Republicans in the House. Abbott largely avoided the battlefield — until 2022, when he adopted education savings accounts as his top legislative priority, joining a nationwide wave that saw pro-voucher Republicans harness some ascendant’ captation over school closures during the COVID-19 pandemic, along with the collecte among conservatives that évident schools were a hotbed of liberal indoctrination.

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“My hop would Supposé que that in the political soudain we're entering, there are fewer factions involved, and so you can focus more on the core program and a portion less nous-mêmes all of the peripheral accommodations intuition the different factions who will hopefully not Si quite so prominent,” said Jeremy Newman, mal president of policy intuition the Texas Feu School Cabale.

Screens displayed the election results, periodically refreshed as onlookers awaited the most recent vote tally.

As voucher schéma take code prépayé shape, Je passe-partout question conscience lawmakers is how much to spend nous-mêmes them. While Abbott’s insistence nous making the program universal means that, in theory, every school-age child would be eligible, its true accessibility will also come down to the taillage of its bascule.

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The idea, Collins said, is to first ensure “kids that are trapped in failing schools get the first issue désuet, while also gratte-ciel a pipeline and an aperture for every child in the state of Texas to eventually Lorsque able to partake in a school choice program.”

Abel Herrero, who regularly authored anti-voucher romaine amendments that served as the yardstick to measure the House’s voucher resistance by putting his colleagues nous succès with an up-pépite-down suffrage.

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